Not all languages have sexist pronouns. In languages that have never had grammatical sex, there is usually only one word for “him” and “she”, such as dia in Indonesian, ő in Hungarian and o in Turkish. These languages may only have different pronouns and inflections in the third person to distinguish between people and inanimate objects, but even this distinction is often lacking. (In written Finnish, for example, we use “him” and “she” and se for “he”, but in everyday language we also use “him” and “she”. Ibrahim identified three possible functions of grammatical sex: Another equally important aspect of the current study focuses on examining the hypothesis that individuals use sentence context to generate expectations about names and related articles during language processing. Most ERP studies on gender compliance have assessed brain activity to the point where the offense becomes obvious, for example on the name, but not on his previous sexist article. Wicha, Bates, et al. (2003) and Wicha, Moreno, et al. (2003) however observed an additional effect of gender “correspondence” (in this case between the sex expected in the previous context and that of the article presented) or the expectation of gender before the open violation of the agreement to the subname. Sentences were always grammatical and semantic until the article, as an article of both sexes was a possible continuation of the sentence (e.g.B.
una canasta vs. un costal). However, the article that preceded the objective had either the appropriate sex (e.g.B. una) or the inappropriate sex (z.B one) in relation to what is based on the context of previous sentences (e.g.B. Canasta) was predicted, as determined by the normalization of the cloze probability of these materials. Defined in this way, unexpected sex items triggered a component similar to N400, widespread increased negativity between 300 and 500 msec after the start of the article, compared to items with contextually expected sex. We interpreted this finding to mean that listeners and readers (consciously or not) make expectations about future words, based on the previous context, and that these expectations are specific enough to include information about the gender of the expected name and associated article. The nature of the effect – increased negativity (N400) rather than increased positivity (P600) – indicated that the expected sex “injury” in the article is more at the semantic level than at the syntactic level, taking into account that the target elements were represented by bar drawings in these studies.
We broaden this awareness in the current study by evaluating erp activity to the article before a destination element, now a written word. Here too, one of our main goals is to determine whether individuals raise expectations about future names during reading. If we discover that it is the tut, then we want to determine if the information about sex in the article is treated mainly at the semantic level, as in previous studies with image objectives. Among the reservations of this research are the possibility that subjects “use grammatical sex as a strategy to accomplish the task” and the fact that even for inanimate objects, the sex of names is not always fortuitous. For example, in Spanish, the female sex is often attributed to objects “used by women, natural, round or light” and male objects that are “artificially, angular or difficult to use by men”.  Clear failures to reproduce the effect on German speakers have also led to the proposition that the effect is limited to languages with a two-sex system, perhaps because these languages tend to have greater concordance between grammatical and natural sex.   The determinants all, at the same time several, some, (a) little and zero, resemble digit words if a subsequent countable noun is to be plural in form (although all, some and zero may accompany singular nouns that are incalculable, for example.B . . .